Tony SigWe see develop rather quickly in the Church within the New Testament people, often ‘virgins and widows,’ who are ‘set apart’ for what we might call ‘full time ministry.’  (The terms are anachronistic to be sure, but just roll with me)  So we see from a very early point a ‘mixed economy’ of forms of life in the Church.  Some work and produce and give, and some ‘mend tents’ while still doing such ‘full time ministry,’ but is has always been deemed necessary to have a group of people dedicated to the life of the Church who are fully dependent on her life, but who alone can give a fuller expression to her life.  We would be incomplete without the virgins and widows.  The development of monasticism and the incredible importance of the religous throughout our history only testify all the more to this.

Though not quite as prominent as it once was (or so it seems to me anyway), it is not at all uncommon to see a Roman Catholic parish system, including schools and ministry to the poor, supported by small groups of monks and/or nuns (heck we could even include the celibate priesthood here).

Yet, despite this decline, there has been developing since at least the Jesus People Movement, communities of Protestants who in rough ways approximate this mixed economy of life.  Anglicanism too has a small but not unimportant religious life – though we might pray for this to grow all the more.  Among the developments has been the flowering of “new monasticism” and “intentional communities.”

If, as I have said, the fullness of the Church’s life requires a group of people set apart from “working life,” then I wonder if we ought to be trying to test whether new monastic and intentional communities could serve an analogous function as the religous within our parish structures.  Maybe there would be only a few single parishes that could support such a group, but would it not be possible to imagine a relatively close group of parishes contribute together to support such a community for the sake of their own life?  I don’t see why not.  In fact I think this could be quite life-giving.

There are more than a few logistical questions that arise, but I have some ideas, and I imagine many others have some too.  This is a topic I’d love to explore more here.  So let’s tentatively consider this an ‘introductory’ post that could flower into more.  These also could see some strong overlap with my continuing reflections on seminaries.

Tony SigI’ve been doing some work in +Arthur Michael Ramsey’s neglected The Gospel and the Catholic Church, specifically to his elucidation of the evangelical necessity of the bishop.  For Ramsey, the absolute foundation of the Church lies only in the life, death and resurrection of Jesus, but we participate in these historical events ever anew, especially in the sacraments.  (He is here, it should be noted, decades ahead of contemporary biblical scholarship that sees participation as one of the fundamental realities of Christian life, as in the work of Michael Gorman and Douglas Campbell.)

Nevertheless, following Ephesians, Ramsey traces the place and function of the apostles in the New Testament where most clearly they are understood as the foundational authorities of the Church.  He sees that St. Paul “has an office of ruling and integrating” and the apostles were “a ministry, restricted in numbers and of definite authority, not attached to local churches but controlling local churches on behalf of the general church.”  This “rootless” authority is an embodiment of the concrete unity given to the Church in the passionate flesh of Jesus, who himself gathered and commissioned the apostles.  They represent to congregations all the other congregations and act for and over all of them; thus by virtue of their office they enact the unity given in the Spirit and the Passion.

The question he then asks is this: Does the “more developed” episcopal theory of St. Ignatius fall in line with this?

“The [episcopal] ministry is important as linking the Christians with the historic events of Jesus Christ, since Christian experience is not a spirituality unrelated to history, but bears witness to its derivation from Jesus in the flesh…Thus the Church is one Body; its members glorify not themselves and their experiences, but the one historic Christ. And its worship is one; the Eucharist is not the act of any local group, but of the one Body, represented by its organ of unity in any place. Hence the Eucharist is to be celebrated only by the bishop [and those authorized by the bishop].”

His answer is yes, the bishop “succeeds” the apostles in function; the primary difference is now that the bishop is local, but as Florovsky says in Sobornost, “in its Bishop every single church transcends its own limits and comes into contact with and merges into other churches, not in the order of brotherly love and remembrance alone, but in the unity of mysterious and gracious life.”  So even this “localism” only has significance via the one Gospel, the one life of the Spirit, and so is also universal, a token of the unity that does not depend on the episcopacy but is expressed through it.

So Ramsey can go so far as to say that “the Episcopate is of the esse of the universal Church,” but only inasmuch as it expresses the unity of that one life given first in the flesh of Jesus and then in the Spirit through baptism –  It does not constitute the Church.  He would no doubt agree with Bulgakov, “First Church, then hierarchy.”

Christ and Dionysus

October 9, 2010

Tony SigI’m really loving my Greek and Roman Mythology class.  On the one hand, it’s a 1000 level course, so the ‘difficulty’ is pretty minimal, but being a four credit class instead of a three means that we get a ton of reading in the original sources.  Amongst other things, it has been very interesting for me to read these ‘myths’ and ‘see parallels’ in certain Scriptural images.  As a friend of mine recently confirmed, it is hard to look at Noah the same after reading the Epic of Gilgamesh.

So I find myself confronted with how to understand these things.  Of course I want to affirm the ‘uniqueness’ of Christ (and I do!) but it is intellectually irresponsible to apologetically argue that Christ, as represented in Scripture – that is, on a textual as compared to an ontological level – is a totally  unique ‘apocalyptic event’ without precedence in other sacred literature.  (I take this to be at least a part of what Hans Frei argues.)

A classic example is a confusion that sometimes happened as Christianity came into contact with its neighbors.  Jesus was sometimes understood as a sort of Dionysus figure – Christ as Vine; as transforming life in the Eucharist; and as Harrower of Hell, were taken to be parallels to certain Dionysian myths.

There are two thinkers in particular who have been helping me, though in many ways they take radically different positions.  Rowan Williams has a sort of take on this in an essay entitled “The Finality of Christ” in his astounding “On Christian Theology.”   Williams wants to see Jesus “not dehistoricized or absolutized as an icon of significance, but neither [as] depicted as the teacher of one among several possible ways of salvation.  He is presented as the revelation of God: as God’s question, no more, no less.  Being a Christian is being held to that question in such a way that the world of religious discourse in general may hear it.” (105)

+Williams represents here a sort of chastened iconoclasm, trying to worm between the simplistic options of ‘exclusivism,’ ‘inclusivism’ and ‘pluralism’ as commonly conceived.  I’m not totally convinced of this essay on all points, but his christological focus I think is indispensable in understanding other faiths and ‘myths’ in light of Christ.

On the other hand I’ve been ruminating on C.S. Lewis’ “Reflections of the Psalms.” Famously Lewis makes a (rather good) case for understanding certain myths as ‘pointing to’ Christ.  He is most convincing when talking about Plato’s picture of the ‘Perfectly Just Man’ who is scorned by society as a disruptor of the peace and subsequently crucified.  Lewis goes on to say “when I meditate on the Passion while reading Plato’s picture of the Righteous One, or on the Resurrection while reading about Adonis or Balder…there is a real connection between what Plato and the myth-makers most deeply were and mean and what I believe to be the truth.  I know that connection and they do not…One can, without any absurdity, imagine Plato or the myth-makers if they learned the truth, saying, “I see…so that was what I was really talking about.  Of course.  That is what my words really meant, and I never new it.”  And with his typical generosity he concludes “(Or may we more charitably speak, not of what Plato and Virgil and the myth-makers ‘would have said’ but of what they said?  For we can pray with good hope that they now know and have long since welcomed the truth; ‘many shall come from the east and west and sit down in the kingdom’)”

As it stands I’m not looking for the mythic ‘middle’ or ‘third way’ between these two, but I’m feeding off both and trying to see the truth of what they’re saying; I’m looking for the Christ in Dionysus not because I want to cheapen the truth of Christ, who remains the Way, Truth and Life – but I’m looking for him because I believe that it is in him that all things cohere.

Tony SigA passage to which I imagine I will return for more reflection struck me as interesting on a few levels.

What we have said is, indeed, no small proof of the destruction of death and of the fact that the cross of the Lord is the monument to His victory. But the resurrection of the body to immortality, which results henceforward from the work of Christ, the common Savior and true Life of all, is more effectively proved by facts than by words to those whose mental vision is sound. For, if, as we have shown, death was destroyed and everybody tramples on it because of Christ, how much more did He Himself first trample and destroy it in His own body! Death having been slain by Him, then, what other issue could there be than the resurrection of His body and its open demonstration as the monument of His victory? How could the destruction of death have been manifested at all, had not the Lord’s body been raised? But if anyone finds even this insufficient, let him find proof of what has been said in present facts.

Dead men cannot take effective action; their power of influence on others lasts only till the grave. Deeds and actions that energize others belong only to the living. Well, then, look at the facts in this case. The Savior is working mightily among men, every day He is invisibly persuading numbers of people all over the world, both within and beyond the Greek-speaking world, to accept His faith and be obedient to His teaching. Can anyone, in face of this, still doubt that He has risen and lives, or rather that He is Himself the Life? Does a dead man prick the consciences of men, so that they throw all the traditions of their fathers to the winds and bow down before the teaching of Christ?

If He is no longer active in the world, as He must needs be if He is dead, how is it that He makes the living to cease from their activities, the adulterer from his adultery, the murderer from murdering, the unjust from avarice, while the profane and godless man becomes religious? If He did not rise, but is still dead, how is it that He routs and persecutes and overthrows the false gods, whom unbelievers think to be alive, and the evil spirits whom they worship? For where Christ is named, idolatry is destroyed and the fraud of evil spirits is exposed; indeed, no such spirit can endure that Name, but takes to flight on sound of it. This is the work of One Who lives, not of one dead; and, more than that, it is the work of God. It would be absurd to say that the evil spirits whom He drives out and the idols which He destroys are alive, but that He Who drives out and destroys, and Whom they themselves acknowledge to be Son of God, is dead.”

There’s a lot to unpack here and I don’t have time to do it but I want to draw attention to how St. Athanasius sees “proof” of Christ’s resurrection in his charismatic work; converting people from paganism; converting their habits and lives; casting out demons, et. al.

“My Father is still working, and I am working” indeed!

12 Propositions…#9

January 2, 2010

Tony Sig

Christology developed the way it did as a phenomenology of Salvation.

Blog Signature

Here is some research I have been doing on one of my favorite biblical topics in light of my new found interest in Negative (Apophatic) Theology.  This is an abridged version of my research.  If you would like to read the full version complete with intro., conclusion, and back matter, you can read it here.

How the Gospel of John Has Been Read

            The number of theories circulating about how best to interpret John’s body of work is staggering.  Undoubtedly, this is due not only to the literature’s unique characteristics within the broader Scriptural corpus, but also due to the wealth of theologically sophisticated concepts contained therein.  While there is a clear indication that the Johannine literature evolved over time through redaction, form criticism does not account for the literary devices or the theological erudition; and neither literary nor textual criticism make proper account of John’s place in the larger Scriptural tradition.  However, many authors seem to agree that the continued fascination over the Johannine corpus is due in large part to either the inadequacy of the historical-critical method to interpret John faithfully or the inability of any other independent method to establish the theological and cultural nuance that seems to pervade the body of literature as a whole.  Consequently, recent scholarship has drawn into question whether there is a single “best” way to interpret John.

            Carson, in his commentary on the Gospel according to John, finds the locus of such characteristics in the interplay between John and the Synoptic Gospels, identifying several points of disagreement between John and the Synopitcs as John’s “independence.”  Specifically, Carson identifies those differences as John’s failure to include large quantities of material common to the Synoptics, John’s inclusion of large quantities of material not mentioned in the Synoptics, John’s thematic contradiction to themes well established in the Synoptics, John’s anachronistic account in relation to history and the Synoptics, and the evidence of John’s heavy use of editing as revealed in his use of Greek.  Bruce, in his work on Johannine literature, instead finds the independence of certain literary characteristics to be the most striking element that sets the Fourth Gospel apart from the Synoptics.  While Bruce, like Carson, employs a method much in line with other historical-critical efforts; he seems to be quite taken with John’s use of “character-portrayal” in particular, pointing out that the prominence of John’s use of dialogue has been a favorite of scholars in distinguishing the Fourth Gospel from the Synoptics.

            Dumm and Kanagaraj see not only the challenges of historical-cultural readings and the complexity of literary composition, but also how the more abstract elements of community and faith are expressed by John.  Dumm’s work is predicated on what he calls a gospel “which is so sensitive to the spiritual, symbolic dimension of biblical revelation.”  Kanagaraj traces the history of how prominent voices as early as Clement of Alexandria on through Augustine focused on those elements.  Both authors, however, also knowingly frame their arguments within an academic community that is obviously wary about labeling John as “mystical,” though it refuses to eliminate the possibility of such readings outside of the Gnostic context. 

            Burge opts to focus on the rich theological heritage of John’s Gospel, while making connections to how that heritage has been influenced by the form criticism and historical-cultural criticism that has shaped scholastic opinions of John’s corpus.  Burge does not neglect the discussion of textual issues within John or in comparison to the Synoptics, though it is clear that he prefers a literary method because it allows him the opportunity to focus on the theological contributions of John’s Gospel.  He identifies at least three major theological arcs in the Fourth Gospel: revelation and redemption, Jewish concerns, and Christian concerns.  Of particular interest, especially in light of the work done by Dumm and Kanagaraj, is the fact that Burge sees John’s view of history as reflecting the mystical presence of God in the sacraments.  Burge says, “John has a ‘sacramental’ view of history inasmuch as the incarnation of Christ for him means the genuine appearance of God in history.  Worship can affirm such genuine appearances when worship symbols (baptism, the Lord’s Supper) take on the real properties of that which they depict.”  This perspective becomes increasingly helpful when later considering the fact that both the theology of the incarnation of the Logos in John’s prologue is largely agreed upon, and that some postulate that the prologue to John’s Gospel constitutes early liturgical poetry.

            Köstenberger offers only a few disparaging comments about the inadequacy of historical-cultural studies in illuminating the text of John’s gospel, choosing instead to elaborate on the contributions of literary criticism in understanding the theological message of the Johannine literature.  Köstenberger sees John’s Gospel primarily as a Jewish theological treatise directed at a community of Jews after the fall of the Temple in 70 CE.  Consequently, he deviates from many scholars already mentioned here in dating the Gospel, and happens to categorize the major theological themes accordingly as God, the Christ, salvation, the Spirit, the new covenant community, and the last things.  There are, of course, myriad other approaches by scholars whose opinions are noteworthy; but only deviate from the methods already mentioned by degrees of variation, and happen to be iterations of older scholarship.

            It will be helpful, then, to place the current positions held by these authors in their place among the history of Johannine interpretation, especially that of the early church. The focus is on the early church, because much of the scholarship emanating from the middle church is easily categorized.  Carson states, “Whether the Fourth Gospel was interpreted so as to ground some form of Christian mysticism, or so as to make clear the truth of justification by faith, there was at least no doubt that it was the product of the Apostle John, that in some ways it is the most focused of the four canonical Gospels, and that fundamental reconciliation between John and the Synoptics can be achieved.”  As such, the mystical tradition of the middle church played an important role in making possible the kind of Apophatic rendering that may now be useful in understanding the full scope of John’s use of Logos as a Christological title.  However, these mystical theories neither find their origin nor their most lucid articulation in the middle church.

            The Fourth Gospel was ubiquitously held in the highest esteem in the early church.  Though, this is a point that Bruce seems to make in passing and that Carson will not deign to make, choosing instead to focus on the canonical veracity of its claims to apostolic authority through the testimony of the early church.  It is an approach, no doubt, that falls in line with the decidedly historical-critical method employed by both Bruce and Carson.  Curiously, though, both expound upon the early church’s refutation of Gnosticism without mentioning how Irenaeus soundly rejected the basis of Gnostic claims without rejecting the spiritual nature of the Gospel or its primacy over the Synoptics.  Irenaeus, though, is a good example of how John was heralded generally by the end of the second century, and how the apologists revered him specifically.  In fact, as early as Clement of Alexandria and Irenaeus, we see John’s Gospel being used not only as an apologetic for the incarnation but also as an interpretive lens for the Hebrew Scriptures, for which the prologue to the Gospel was the linchpin.  It is worth mentioning, though, that many of these authors acknowledge that it was common for prominent theologians of the early church to view John’s Gospel as having a “spiritual” component even if they do no validate such a reading themselves.

            Consequently, it bears repeating that the current state of Johannine studies is one of incorporation.  Every author certainly entertains a preference for one critical method over the other, but there is little deviation from the opinion that individual methodologies have outlived their usefulness as frameworks that are singularly capable of expressing the intent and message of the biblical authors.  There even exists a tolerance for those methodologies that see in the Johannine corpus a mystical element, though not articulated in the trappings of mystical expression per se.  Therefore, while historical-critical, literary, and textual methods still have an important role to play in our reading of the Johannine literature, there is an important contribution to be made by negative theology as well.

Placing the Prologue of John’s Gospel Through John’s Use of Logos

            The prologue of John’s Gospel is not only the conceptual summary of John’s account, but also the lens through which the Evangelist wants readers to view Jesus.  Burge calls it an “overture to the story of the rest of the Gospel.”  Because of the summary or preview nature of the prologue and the “preliminary narrative sections that have been dovetailed into it,” there is assent concerning the theory that the prologue to John’s Gospel was penned after the Gospel proper; and the notion that the original narrative probably began at verse nineteen finds similar corroboration.  Burge elsewhere identifies the prologue as one of the prominent “literary seams” or “aporias” of John’s Gospel, in which there is a clear distinction between the poetic structure and idiomatic language of the prologue and the rest of the Gospel. This view has been commonly accepted on the basis of two types of arguments: those based on form or textual criticism and those based on theological analysis.  Most often, though, the view is held in light of some combination of the two, except where the author feels sufficient doubt to label such attempts as “speculative at best.”

            An argument offered by Ed L. Miller regarding the origin of the Logos and, here, the structure and dating of the prologue to John’s Gospel in relationship to the rest of the Johannine literature proves to be of some import.  His essential claim is that both the literary and theological reasons for believing the prologue was written after the Gospel provide sufficient justification for looking first to the Johannine literature for an explanation of the Logos.  Like Burge, Miller sees the prologue’s mention of John the Baptist (1:6-8, 15) and some personal commentary (1:13, 17-18) as interruptions to a “hymn” consisting of several strophes.  Two points should be kept in mind: first, Miller is utterly convinced that the prologue is a completely distinct literary construction, though penned by the same author as the rest of the Johannine literature, and second, the appropriate chronology for the writing of the prologue is to place it after the creation of John’s first epistle; so that John first wrote the Gospel proper, then wrote 1 John, and ended by writing the prologue and attaching it to the beginning of the Gospel.  This reading that suggests that the Christological title offered in the first lines of the prologue is actually the end of a “Christological development.”

            Miller essentially bases this thesis on John’s literary style.  First, Miller points out both the frequency and the manner with which John uses Christological terminology.  According to Miller, the terms logos and rhema are used with such frequency that, “we must, then, be struck at once by this writer’s penchant for the word ‘word.’”  Miller also argues, though, that “it is not just a matter of the frequency with which ‘word’ or ‘words’ occurs in this Gospel but, more important, the manner in which they occur.  Not only are they concentrated at the center of the Johannine picture of Jesus; they function with an immediate significance for that picture.” 

            This, of course, finds corroboration with other scholars writing on John’s penchant for both literary variation and Christological imagery.  More than a denotative deconstruction and mechanical analysis, John wants to produce a connotative web of ideas that would come to mind at the mention of any one of many key terms.  Bruce elucidates the principle as it is at work in John’s use of antithesis, “Our Evangelist delights to use contrasting terms; good and evil, love and hatred, life and death, salvation and judgment, light and darkness, truth and falsehood.  The positive terms in these antithetical pairs are largely interchangeable – good, love, life, salvation, light, truth.”  Miller’s proposition is that ‘word’ be added to this list of interchangeable terms in John as also having “Christological transparency,” demonstrating that the “word” in all of its cognates pervades John’s Gospel.  Miller asks some rather poignant questions in defense of his point:

            Aside from the relatively few instances in which these terms bear an ordinary and limited meaning, do they not otherwise strive to point beyond themselves to a “Word?”  Do they not seem to be a sort of splashover from the pervasive theme of the Gospel, the divine revelation in Christ?  Do they not seem at every turn, on every page, in a variety of ways,       to point the reader to the saving truth that is in and is Christ?

Therefore, Miller’s argument seems self-perpetuating.  He believes that the prologue represents the most recent edition out of the Gospel, first epistle, and prologue, because the language of the prologue demonstrates the mature or evolved sense of Logos.  Consequently, the origin of the Logos as a Christological title is found within the Johannine corpus, and not necessarily some extant tradition as evidenced by John’s penchant for the “word” as a theological concept.

            Aside from Miller’s theory, there have been at least four common explanations for the origin and meaning of logos in the prologue of John’s Gospel, and each of them looks outside of the Johannine literature for a source from which John presumably borrowed.  First, the Old Testament use of the word dābār, “which represents the word of God as eternal, creative, sustaining, healing, redemptive, prophetic, etc., and as increasingly hypostatized and personified as it passed as the Greek logos, into the wisdom literature.”  Second, is the later Jewish construct for wisdom, Sophia that serves as a personification of the “first of God’s creations and the attendant craftsman in all subsequent creation.”  Third, some see the logos of Greek philosophy of Heraclitus, Epicharmus, and the Stoics, “which employed logos to mean the divine Reason which pervades and controls all things in such a way as to produce beauty, harmony, an unity of the whole.”  Finally, scholars also point to Gnostic sources that saw the Word as an emissary between the physical and metaphysical realms, though these claims are dismissed nearly out of hand.

            Consequently, if the prologue of John’s Gospel constitutes the “end” of John’s Christological development, then the placement of the prologue’s authorship on the Johannine timeline limits the scope of influences on the use of Logos.  More importantly, the place of the prologue within the Johannine literature contextualizes the development of John’s Christology within the Christian community and serves to further demonstrate the unique nature of John’s Gospel among the Synoptics.  Indeed, Miller concedes this in his conclusion, “the Johannine origin of Logos, the Johannine christological title par excellence, underscores the relative independence and originality of this Gospel.”

The Appropriate Utilization and Value of an Apophatic Reading

            John’s Logos serves as a sophisticated theological concept that has long been understood within both incarnational and spiritual contexts.  However, given the rather subjective history of attributing source material and subsequent meaning to John’s use of the term Logos in the prologue, three things should be reiterated in making the case for what will prove to be not only a traditional rendering of the Christological title, but also one that seems to have fallen out of favor with modern scholars.  First, the disquietude felt over allowing one interpretive framework to dictate the shape of Johannine literature is justified.  Just as many scholars have pointed to the fact that John planned his Gospel to be an independent voice proclaiming the anointed role and divine nature of Christ, the Johannine literature has defied clean taxonomical organization.  It is important, then, that the history of Johannine interpretation have a large say in the future of Johannine interpretation, and the utility that the Christian community has always played in that interpretation ought to be sought out again. 

            Second, John’s sacramental view of history ought to be kept in tension with modern understandings of his vision concerning why the Logos came.  There is ample scholarship to demonstrate that the incarnational tone of the prologue echoes John’s broader sacramental notions of Christ’s presence in the midst of the darkness as the light.  There seems to be thematic and theological harmony in the fact that many of the scholars under present discussion have ratified the notion that the prologue to John’s Gospel may have functioned as an early liturgical hymn.  There can be little doubt that John’s sacramental theology and an appropriate understanding of the Logos becoming flesh are intimately linked.

            Third, there can also be little doubt that some scholars, though erudite and in possession of proven records, have come into a place of dogmatism concerning not only critical methodology but also theologically viable understandings of the Johannine corpus.  Miller’s entire article has an undertone of facetious shock at how novel it might be to actually see John’s own work as the source of the theological force behind the Logos.  This kind of stale environment surrounding what has become the dogmatism of critical scholarship, even as it is adapted by more conservative Protestant scholars, warrants the exploration of another option.  In fact, these are precisely the conditions under which negative theology has historically driven the spiritually efficacious orthopraxy of previous generations.

            Negative or Apophatic Theology has not only been historically relevant, but can also be traced back to explicit biblical foundations according to Paul Rorem who explains,

“My thoughts are not your thoughts,” says Isaiah’s Lord (Isa 55:9).  The divine is invisible, ineffable, incomprehensible; these are all negations stemming from recognition of divine transcendence.  Early authors such as Justin, Ireneaus, Clement, and Origen of Alexandria built their theologies on these foundations.  God by definition   transcends our words, concepts, and capacities, such that all affirmations must be qualified and only negations are entirely true.

Many of these historical figures, incidentally, have also proven instrumental in demonstrating the canonical authority, historical veracity, and theological profundity of the Johannine corpus.  Kenney explains that our representation of reality develops into a dimensionless theory because, “we lose sight of the divine whenever we accept as final or complete any conceptual representation of it.  The true object of religious devotion and theological attention is not contained in the formulas of its representation, however authoritative or conceptually exact; rather it exceeds all finite capacity for conceptual similitude.”  Consequently, there has been a long struggle to understand the intent of John in some complete conceptual representation since historical-critical methods gained their popularity, but there may be negative elements endemic to the prologue of John’s Gospel that are more helpful.

            First, it is important to note that both Rorem and Kenney are quite clear about the fact that Negative (Apophatic) Theology remains irrevocably tied to affirmations, especially those inherent in Scripture, because there must first be something to negate.  While Apophatic Theology is appropriately associated with mystic traditions and a pursuit of the divine presence, its means are not directed to the result of “mystical experience as such, but the combination of a firmly critical sensibility, recalcitrant to all theological dogmatism, with a strengthened awareness of divine presence.”  It is in this sense that an Apophatic rendering of the Logos is warranted.  In light of the fact that the prologue of John has historically been experienced within the pursuit of the divine presence through the incarnation, we can see the valuable application of an Apophatic perspective.

            Second, it is important also to note that Apophatic Theology does not usurp or supplant theological orthodoxy.  Such has been the fear surrounding not only the general mention of mystical elements within theology, but also specific mystic claims about the Johannine literature.  Not only is there room for orthodoxy, even dogmatism, within Apophatic theology, but the “efficacy of negative theology is proportional to the strength of the theological assertions that it serves to deny.”  However, demonstrating concern that a thing does not exceed its appropriate influence and ignoring it all together are different propositions; and certainly using the former as justification of the latter feels intellectually dishonest at the least.  As Kenney concludes, he explains that the relative success of any Apophatic theology will vary within religious traditions and their respective schools of thought in orthodoxy; but the situation “suggests a distinction between two sorts of orthodoxy: ‘authoritarian dogmatism’ which demands obeisance to formulas and those who authorize them, and ‘definitional dogmatism,’ which seeks to set down and clarify beliefs.”

            There remains to be seen how an Apophatic Theology can adequately and accurately inform an understanding of the Christological title, Logos, as it is utilized in the prologue to John’s Gospel.  As Rorem and Kenney have suggested, such an Apophasis would rely heavily on the kind of robust kataphatic orthodoxy that has been here explicated.  Consequently, Rorem offers the Incarnational Apophatic of Maximus the Confessor, who understands the Logos from the negation that concludes the text of the prologue: “No one has ever seen God, but God the One and Only, who is at the Father’s side, has made him known” (John 1:18).  Maximus explains:

The knowledge of [God the Word] himself in his essence and personhood remains inaccessible to all angels and men alike and he can in no way be known by anyone.  But St. John, initiated as perfectly as humanly possible into the meaning of the Word’s incarnation, claims that he has seen the glory of the Word as flesh, that is, he saw the   reason or the plan for which God became man, full of grace and truth.  For it was not as    God by essence, consubstantial to God the Father, that the only-begotten Son gave this grace, but as having in the incarnation become man by nature, and consubstantial to us, that he bestows grace on us who have need of it.

So, it is in John’s own terms that we find that Negation leads the reader to the incarnate Christ.  Rorem explains, “For Maximus, the Apophatic recognition of God’s transcendence does not lead to endless progress as it does for Gregory, or directly to union with the unknown God as it does for Dionysius, but rather to Christ as the incarnate revelation of God.”

            Surely, though the previous negation of the prologue does not now escape our attention.  The initial negation is linked to an even clearer indication that the Logos in John’s Gospel not only finds its origin in the Johannine corpus as Miller suggests, but also points to the mystery of the identity of the transcendent that has become tangible.  John writes, “Through him all things were made; without him nothing was made that has been made” (John 1:3).  Clearly, if the negation of the eighteenth verse demonstrates the incarnate Christ, then the negation of the third verse demonstrates the pre-existent Logos.

The Leaps of Christ

October 5, 2009

  james

exeter

I am working on some research concerning a venerable liturgical, homiletical, and poetic motif known as the ‘The Leaps of Christ.’  This research began when I was taking an Old English Poetry class at the University of New Mexico and did a translation project on a portion of an Old English (OE) poem known as Christ II or the The Ascension composed by a poet named Cynewulf in the late 7th or early 8th century.  The poem is part of a tryptic: Christ I is about the nativity, while Christ III is about the Final Judgment.  They are all three fascinating poems; the only extant copy of them is found in the Exeter Book, but good translations abound.

Anyway, back the The Leaps of Christ.  The motif comes from a beautiful little verse in the Song of Songs (2:8) “Behold, he comes leaping over the mountains and bounding over the hills.”  An early church father named Hippolytus allegorically interpreted the passage naming various Leaps that the Beloved (Christ, of course, according to his interpretation) made.  This list of leaps got passed on through homily, commentary and poem and in the Middle Ages enjoyed considerable popularity.  The most recent incarnation of the theme, interestingly enough, is Rick Found’s immortal late ’80s praise song: “Lord, I lift your name on high.” Cynewulf’s version of the motif is particularly nice, however, and below I present my translation.  If you’d like to look at the OE version of the poem, you’ll find it here; the line numbers that I’ve translated are 720-743.

The Leaps of Christ

The first leap was when he descended into the virgin,

the spotless maiden, and there took human form

without sins. He became that to help

all earth-dwellers. The second jump,

the birth of the child, was when he was in the manger

in the form of an infant, swaddled in garments,

the majesty of all majesties. The third leap,

the bound of the heavenly King ,father, and the spirit of comfort,

was when he climbed on the cross. The fourth jump,

in the tomb, was when he came off the beam

to the steadfast grave. The fifth leap was

when he brought low the horde of hell-dwellers

in torment. Within, the king bound

the hostile patron of the fiends to the fiery chains,

There yet does he lie

in the dungeon fastened to fetters,

shackled to sin. The sixth leap,

the frolic of the holy one, was when he ascended to heaven,

to his former home. Then, in that holy tide, the band of angels

made joyful with laughter, with delights,

saw the majesty of heaven,

the chief of princes, come into the native land,

the beaming habitation. Then the exploit of the Prince became

the eternal joy of the blissful citizens.

 

 

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